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Taking a historical perspective, this book charts the emergence of poverty reduction and governance at the centre of development. It shows that the Poverty Reduction paradigm marks a shift in the wider liberal project that underpins development. It shows how problems of governing the poor and delivering services are framed in development practice

Cities are key to reducing poverty and promoting shared prosperity in Papua New Guinea (PNG). Cities generally are sites for cultivating and fostering the accumulation of multiple forms of capital. In urban areas, these different kinds of capital can bring economic, social, and political benefits to national development. Nurturing all of these forms of capital and turning them into development outcomes require security and regulation. The social and economic regulation of informal urban settlements in PNG needs to be expressed territorially and spatially in residential neighborhoods, public spaces and amenities, and transport nodes and routes. Regulatory failure, on the other hand, can lead to communal disputes and escalating violence at all levels that pervert and destroy capital and threaten national stability. This report will describe, the chief institutions of local regulation that have taken distinctive forms: local committees and flexibly institutionalized leadership roles, all enacted through mediation and the spatial regulation of settlements and markets. This report focuses on the everyday institutional arrangements that regulate the safety and security of PNG's urban settlements in relation to people and places where the reach of formal authorities is limited, dysfunctional, and or lacks legitimacy.

The World development report (WDR) 2017 is centrally interested in the conditions under which three headline development outcomes (growth, equity, security) can be achieved by improving the effectiveness and legitimacy of governance institutions. This background paper explores all three mechanisms through the lens of efforts to improve the governance of extractive industries, in particular, to enhance the dividend of growth, equity, and security for host countries in the Global South. The authors consider the case of the extractive industries transparency initiative (EITI) which may be understood as an assemblage of power, norms, and capacities to create new institutional arrangements to govern relations between oil companies, host country governments, and citizens. The point of departure is the WDR's recognition that institutions are always exercises in and products of, that is to say they are thorough saturated with, power. The structure of the paper is as follows part one begins by noting that a feature of globalization in the post-cold war period has been the development of a range of global modalities to intervene in the regulation of economic activity and to reconfigure the power, norms, and capacities of governance institutions so as to achieve particular equity and security outcomes. Part two provides an account of the conditions of possibility, all traceable to the character of post-cold war globalization, that saw the rise of the norms and rules central to EITI that, in little over ten years have enrolled 48 countries and more than 80 major oil, gas, and mining companies. Part three examines the apparently paradoxical case of EITI's enthusiastic adoption in Nigeria.

Solomon Islanders have more than four decades of experience with large-scale commercial logging of natural forests, which still accounts for around 70 per cent of exports, 15 per cent of GDP and 14 per cent of domestically sourced government revenues (World Bank 2015:139). However, having logged well beyond the sustainable yield almost every year since 1981, and despite previous predictions of the exhaustion of the resource having proved to be incorrect, there are signs that logging is set to decline. For example, in 2012 there were 102 active licensed logging operations, down from 333 in 2008, and these are now mostly restricted to three of the nine provinces — Isabel, Makira Ulawa and Western.

The poor record of liberal reforms sponsored by the international community in postcolonial settings underscores the real politik of institutional change. What we call a 'new normal' in development policy and practice foregrounds the role of agency – leadership, networks of connectors and convenors, entrepreneurs and activists – but it has less to say about the political and economic conditions of possibility in which agents operate. The putative powers of agency seem most challenged in contexts of extreme resource dependency and the resource curse. The particular case of Edo, a state in the oil rich Niger delta region of Nigeria, illustrates the intersection of agency and structural conditions to show how 'asymmetric capabilities' can emerge to create, constrain and make possible particular reform options.

The economies of remote Indigenous settlements are dominated by public finances. The current system of governing public finance is highly saturated, fragmented and centralised, and this has a corrosive effect on local governance capability. The political

The economies of remote Indigenous settlements are dominated by public finances. The current system of governing public finance is highly saturated, fragmented and centralised, and this has a corrosive effect on local governance capability. The political

The economies of remote Indigenous settlements are dominated by public finances. The current system of governing public finance is highly saturated, fragmented and centralised, and this has a corrosive effect on local governance capability. The political accountability of leaders to their constituents is weakened in favour of an administrative accountability 'upwards' to higher authorities. New Public Management reforms have promoted administrative deconcentration, over political devolution, and this has been accompanied by an influx of public servants, Non‐Government Organisations (NGOs) and private contractors, and a decline in Indigenous organisations and local government. The end result in many settlements is a marked disengagement of Indigenous people in their own governance. There is evidence of considerable political capabilities existing within local government electorates. Decentralised financing arrangements can be used to catalyse these capabilities and then address deficits in administrative and technical performance.

This note looks specifically at how the government used Public Finance Management (PFM) policies to help address the enormous short-term challenges of a fragile situation in the aftermath of the 2006 crisis. The government capitalized on a rapid increase in oil revenues and through administrative measures that delegated more responsibility for spending decisions to line ministries, achieved a rapid increase in the rate of public spending on cash transfers, goods and services and public works. This note starts by summarizing the evolving challenges of the post-independence PFM system, the fragility of 2006/07, and the changed fiscal outlook following the surge in petroleum revenue. It then looks at the government's PFM policies that helped it to address urgent demands and successfully restore short term stability. The note concludes by drawing possible lessons from this period for other post-conflict situations.